Authoritarian Xi is mishandling relation with HongKong, Taiwan & US !
Authoritarian Xi is mishandling relation with HongKong, Taiwan & US !

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Chinese President Xi Jinping speaks during the opening of the China International Import Expo at the National Exhibition and Convention Center in Shanghai on Tuesday. (Qilai Shen/Bloomberg)

China’s president, Xi Jinping, should be feeling pretty pleased with himself. Since assuming power as the chief of the Chinese Communist Party in 2012, Xi has only grown more powerful.

He recently oversaw the 70th birthday party of his nation with a military parade that featured a missile that reportedly can hit all corners of the United States. A plenum of the party’s central committee ended on Oct. 31 with a resolute endorsement of Xi’s brand of personal authoritarianism. He has jailed more than 1 million officials in a nationwide anti-corruption roundup, including many of his potential rivals. His administration has cracked down and quieted one of China’s most restive regions, Xinjiang. He has faced virtually no consequences for incarcerating a million Uighurs in concentration camps there.

He has been declared, in effect, president for life, with party propagandists trying to elevate him as the next Chairman Mao Zedong. Just pick up a recent issue of Qiushi, the theoretical bible of the Chinese Communist Party. It features an essay by Xi himself with a clear message: The party? C’est moi.

But behind the big victories and bigger ego, Xi faces some intractable problems — all caused by Xi and his followers themselves. Perhaps the most serious ones are the fear and rigidity that Xi and China’s security services have nurtured throughout society.

Since the 1970s, when China set down the path of economic reforms, the key element in sparking the earthshaking increase in the material wealth of the Chinese people has not been the genius of the Chinese Communist Party. Rather, it has been the willingness of Chinese people to embrace risk, to take chances and to strive for a better life. But under Xi, these qualities have become liabilities. This has been the case for years in academia, journalism, the legal profession and the nongovernmental organization sector. But now this fear has infected the economy and policymaking as well.

Take Hong Kong. Xinjiang is not the only restive territory that presents a challenge to Beijing. The mass protests that began against a bill allowing the extradition of Hong Kong residents to China have morphed into a broader movement to push back against Chinese rule.

The Hong Kong government led by Carrie Lam had an opportunity early to satisfy the protesters’ demand. But a fear of Xi’s reaction tied their hands. Now it’s clear that no one is considering innovative ways to promote political reform in Hong Kong to alleviate the protesters’ concerns. Proof of that came in the party conference’s Oct. 31 statement, which ominously vowed to perfect “mechanisms for safeguarding national security” in Hong Kong and elsewhere.

Meanwhile, the demonstrations continue to unsettle a financial hub important to China’s economy.

These missteps have had a knock-on effect on Taiwan, which China has long claimed as a province. Scared of appearing weak, the Communist apparatchiks who manage Taiwan policy these days spend more time threatening the island with sticks than trying to lure it with carrots. Ironically, the main beneficiary so far has been the reelection prospects of Taiwan’s current president, Tsai Ing-wen, who is despised by Beijing. According to the latest polling, Tsai has pulled ahead of the more PRC-friendly Nationalist Party candidate, Han Kuo-yu, and the pro-Beijing businessman Terry Gou.

Rigidity has also contributed to Xi’s mishandling of China’s relationship with the United States. Granted, Xi has had to deal with a mercurial counterpart in President Trump, who on alternating days is either Xi’s best friend or his worst enemy. But in Xi’s unwillingness to accommodate U.S. concerns on a broad array of fronts, he has accomplished the impossible: The threat from China is arguably the only issue that U.S. progressives and conservatives agree on.

Fear is also damaging China’s economy.

That China’s economy is slowing is natural. China has been on a super cycle of growth for the past 30 years, fueled by a demographic sweet spot of young workers, pent-up consumer demand and state and foreign investment. Things were bound to slow down.

But that can also bring opportunity. In this climate, venture capital and private equity firms swoop in to hunt for distressed assets and attractive valuations. But that’s not happening in China. In fact, according to CVSource, the leading aggregator of private equity and venture capital statistics in China, in the first eight months of 2019, compared with the same period last year, the volume of venture capital or private equity deals has dropped by half, and the size of the deals by almost 60 percent. Investment bankers attribute the issue to widespread worries about making a mistake. People are so afraid of being hauled before the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection to explain a failed investment or a bad bank loan that they have chosen inaction instead.

When it comes to the listing of Chinese companies on stock markets, again risk aversion is winning out. In the first eight months of 2019, the China Securities Regulatory Commission approved only 85 companies to list on China’s two main stock exchanges, compared with 464 in 2017. What’s worse, the median revenue of those companies is far higher than 2018. These are big companies by Chinese standards, with median revenue over $150 million and median profits of more than $20 million. These firms really don’t need more capital, but China’s securities officials are so afraid that one of the listed companies might fail that they only want to pick winners.

Even more telling is data from China’s Technology Innovation Board, which was set up with much fanfare last year when Xi made a speech calling on China’s financial markets to foster new technologies. Xi did this because many innovative Chinese companies were listing on foreign exchanges such as the Nasdaq in New York. But, again, caution is trumping ambition. Since the board was opened in March, about 160 firms have applied, but only 30 have listed. And among those that listed, most of them are already mature. The board was set up to nurture start-ups; instead it’s serving established companies.

With all his opponents in jail and his fellow citizens either cowed into silence or awed by China’s wealth and power, Xi should be in a prime position to celebrate his nation’s birthday and bask in the glory of a successful plenum. But his actions and the society he and his minions are creating speak less to confidence than to a small-minded obsession with control. China shook the world because its people dared to dream big. Those dreams are being squeezed into the narrow Chinese dream of Xi Jinping.
For 支那 Alimama and all her 40 clones(orlando, polanski, talkingsmart, buick, amata, alanis, ,XXX, niubee etc) :
屌你 orlando aka amata 的老母 !

For smelly ChewHoo Agua: lvlrsSTI, WhatDoYouThink
Get the F out of S'pore !
[+] 1 user Likes tiunelomo's post
Tiunelomo tiu his lomo until Beijing again? Rolling on the flor laughing
Xi hard line approach....evokes a lot of negative sentiment towards china and move the people od HK and taiwan to support more anti china leaders.

Prior to Xi things were not so bad.

Xi stratgey is to stir up nationalist fervor internally and demonises US, HK people and taiwan using propaganda.
I, being poor, have only my dreams;
I will do my utmost to keep them alive.
Against tyrants and adversity, I will strive.
Together, a better future, we will realise......
flgdogs 熬乌熬乌 again
Xi has the support of 90% of Chinese including those overseas of Chinese descent.

Only a few flg who also called themselves as cheena shameless people opposed.

Rolling on the flor laughing

For 支那 Alimama and all her 40 clones(orlando, polanski, talkingsmart, buick, amata, alanis, ,XXX, niubee etc) :
屌你 orlando aka amata 的老母 !

For smelly ChewHoo Agua: lvlrsSTI, WhatDoYouThink
Get the F out of S'pore !

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From Singapore to Sweden, China’s overbearing campaign for influence is forcing countries to resist and recalibrate relations with Beijing

From diplomatic hysterics to displays of Chinese patriotism on foreign soil, China’s influence campaign has turned public opinion and forced governments to defend their values and readjust relations.

Published: 7 Nov, 2019

Russia’s efforts to influence elections [1] in the United States and Europe were a wake-up call about the threat of foreign influence in domestic public opinion and politics, blatantly violating norms of non-interference.

China is not guilty of Russia’s excesses, but Beijing’s information and influence campaign has affected countries from Singapore to Sweden, causing many to take countermeasures.

China’s campaigns range from overt diplomacy and public messaging disseminated through propaganda organs, to covert cyber exercises by specialised hackers and the “50-cent trolls [2]” on social networking sites.

Its capabilities are built into the government’s vast propaganda apparatus, including the People’s Liberation Army, intelligence departments, and the foreign education and culture ministries.

The influence mission is integral to the Communist Party, most notably in the United Front Work Department, which is responsible for engaging intellectuals, including overseas and ethnic Chinese.

The elevation and rejuvenation [3] of the United Front, and the formation of a Leading Small Group chaired by President Xi Jinping to oversee its work, has increased its bureaucratic capacity to extend China’s influence over ethnic and overseas Chinese populations.

The United Front’s efforts are clearly being felt in countries with large Chinese diaspora populations, such as Australia [4] and Canada [5]. Pro-China “patriotic [6]” demonstrations and the destruction [7] of Lennon Walls in Canada are worrying Canadians that a globally assertive and nationalistic China is impinging on Canadians’ rights.

A recent poll [8] found that less than a third of Canadians have a favourable view of China.

Similar scuffles [9] between pro-Hong Kong and pro-Beijing protesters in Australia have punctuated inappropriate displays of Chinese nationalism on foreign soil, including the raising of a Chinese flag over an Australian police station while the Chinese national anthem was sung.

Public servants paying allegiance to a foreign country is not the manifestation of a healthy bilateral relationship but, literally, a red flag that China’s influence campaign has overreached and is damaging.

In Sweden, the Chinese embassy’s sustained, antagonistic public messaging campaign has turned public opinion firmly against China, and prompted the government to re-evaluate the relationship.

Bilateral relations had been strained since 2015, when Chinese authorities abducted [11] an ethnically Chinese Swedish citizen who ran a Hong Kong bookstore selling salacious tomes about Chinese leaders.

Last year, three Chinese tourists claimed they were abused by Swedish police following a dispute over their hostel reservation.

Soon after arriving in Stockholm, Chinese ambassador Gui Congyou embarked on an extensive campaign [12], accusing Swedish police of brutality even when a video of the incident showed police standing to one side while the tourists prostrated themselves on the pavement.

Gui conducted media interviews and released almost 60 statements criticising Sweden’s commitment to human rights and accusing it of tyranny, arrogance, racism and xenophobia.

Faced with this barrage of government-sanctioned accusations, and with public opinion polls showing 70 per cent [14] of Swedes viewing China unfavourably, Sweden announced [15] in February that it was updating its China strategy.

In a memorandum to parliament last month, the government said: “The rise of China is one of the greatest global changes since the fall of the Berlin Wall.”

The government’s first step is to establish a China-knowledge centre to enhance government coordination and information exchange, initiating a national conversation about China, and how Sweden can better protect its interests and manage China’s rise.

Concern about foreign interference is not confined to Europe and North America.

Singapore is particularly attuned to foreign-influence campaigns, ejecting [16] a US embassy official in the 1980s and an academic presumed to be working for China in 2017, for interfering in domestic politics and policymaking.

With ethnic Chinese making up two-thirds of Singapore’s population, it is acutely aware of its vulnerabilities to United Front tactics and influence campaigns, as well as the potential of Malaysia and India to influence Singapore’s other sizeable ethnic groups.

It has therefore invested heavily in mechanisms and means to prevent any foreign country from influencing its population and destabilising Singapore’s polity.

Its societal front line of defence is a national education curriculum and national military conscription, which emphasise a unique Singapore identity as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multiracial [18] society.

Singapore has recently taken action to address the risk of hostile information campaigns on social media and, last month, the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act came into effect [19].

A new law to counter hostile influence campaigns is also in the works.

The public process to enact the laws involves political speeches, parliamentary hearings, public comment and extensive media messaging, which serve the critical function of raising public awareness.

With a national election expected [21] in the coming months, Singapore is careful to ensure the political process is inoculated against foreign influence.

China’s influence campaigns are doing more harm than good [22].

China’s pressure on global businesses, including airlines [23], hotels, consumer goods companies [24] and the American National Basketball Association [25] may succeed in getting companies to revise websites and censor employees’ personal opinions, but it is not improving the way governments and societies view China.

It is forcing countries to re-examine their relationships with China, more closely analyse Chinese government intentions, and clearly identify the values being challenged by China.

This pushback [26] on Chinese overreach will hopefully lead to a recalculation in Beijing, resulting in a more moderate approach to foreign policy.

If pushback against China results in countries pursuing interest-based bilateral relations, rather than economic opportunities at the expense of their values, the result will be more stable, sustainable and productive international relations with China.

China’s global influence campaign could ultimately have a positive effect if it forces countries to recalibrate, and focus on themselves and what they value most, leading them to more actively resist coercion and assert their interests in engagements with China.
7-11-2019 10:37 AM
tiunelomo said:

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Australian stands up meh ?

Now commodities no price.

Malcolm Turnbull Already got sacked after he declared stand up. So what to stand up?

Rolling on the flor laughing Rolling on the flor laughing Rolling on the flor laughing

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which flgdog is that? who said no kissing?
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